— Investigation —
New Arrest Highlights How Italy Concealed Migrant Rape By Framing Amanda Knox
In retrospect, the Knox case reads like Italian authorities concealing a brutal rape by a migrant by inventing an absurd tale about a seductress from Seattle — even if they had to imprison an innocent American for four years to do it.
The African migrant who raped and murdered the British girl for which authorities falsely blamed Amanda Knox in 2007 was released from prison in 2021, remained in the country, and was rearrested this month for allegedly beating another woman.
Rudy Guede, a migrant from the Ivory Coast, was given a 30-year sentence for murder in 2008, but Italian authorities quickly reduced the sentence to 16 years, then let him out even earlier than that in November 2021.
Now, he’s been rearrested over allegations of beating up another woman, according to the New York Post, citing Italian media.
The Italian prime minister’s office did not return a request for comment asking Guede’s immigration status and whether he could have been deported after his assorted run-ins with the law.
But the “trial of the century” that gripped the media for years beginning in 2007 looks very different since it has become clear that European governments have let in hordes of migrants and then covered up their crime sprees — and punished Westerners who called attention to the problem.
In retrospect, the Knox case reads like Italian authorities concealing a brutal rape by a migrant by inventing an absurd tale about a seductress from Seattle — even if they had to imprison an innocent American for four years to do it. It worked: Everyone remembers the case, but most don’t even remember that an African migrant was the true culprit.
The reality is that Guede broke into a house, sadistically raped British college student Meredith Kercher, defecated in her bathroom, and darted out into the night to go dancing at a nightclub.
Police had his fingerprints and were well familiar with him; he had broken into a law office not long before using methods identical to the home break-in. Days before the murder, a kindergarten teacher found him breaking into the school and in possession of a knife like that used to stab Kercher, but the police inexplicably dropped the case. If they hadn’t, the murder likely wouldn’t have occurred.
But they did, and it did. And that soft approach was different from the tact reserved for Westerners. They arrested Knox, beat her, and wrote up a false confession in a language she did not understand, she wrote in her memoir, Waiting To Be Heard.
The crime scene was covered in Guede’s fingerprints and DNA, from the semen staining the room to the feces smeared in the bathroom and the unflushed toilet. Eventually, Italian police could not avoid arresting him — tracking him down in Germany, where he fled. He admitted to German police that he was at the scene but claimed he didn’t kill Kercher, and that he had fled because he was black and thought police would frame him.
To any logical person, that would have solved the case. But that’s not what happened, and it wasn’t the black person who was being framed.
Italian prosecutor Giuliano Mignini worked with the migrant to turn the story into one in which Knox and her boyfriend, Raffaele Sollecito, inexplicably worked with the migrant to rape their friend. The prosecutor called Guede “this poor Rudy” and said Knox and Raffael had accused him of “being the only one” to attack Kercher.
Fueled by leaks from prosecutors, the media saturated the world with a case that they covered as a sexualized “Foxy Knoxy,” an American sociopath, who ruthlessly stabbed to death and raped her roommate. She had two accomplices, they acknowledged, but those less colorful figures were secondary and essentially anonymous in the narrative.
Knox and Sollecito did not even know Guede, but prosecutors used another migrant, Hekuran Kokomani, to provide false testimony that they did. His testimony was absurd, including claiming he knew Knox through her uncle (who was never in Italy), that she brandished a knife at him which he fought off by throwing olives at her, and that he recognized her because of the gap in her front teeth (which, when he saw her teeth in court he remarked, “oh, she doesn’t have it anymore.”)
A homeless heroin addict named Antonio Curatolo came forward at the last minute to become what the media called the “super witness.” He offered testimony that was just what the prosecution needed — and it turned out the same prosecutor had used the same criminal vagrant for the same role in two prior unrelated trials.
Prosecutors selected a knife from a drawer in Sollecito’s home and declared it the murder weapon through “intuition,” without ever checking Guede’s apartment. The knife was the wrong size to have stabbed Kercher, but they claimed it did anyway, and that it contained her DNA. The DNA test was flawed but they withheld that evidence from Knox. (After her conviction, it was revealed that the test was wrong. Knox wrote, “Now I know that these mistakes weren’t missteps. [They were] giant, intentionally misleading leaps, to come up with results designed to confirm our guilt.”)
Knox’s DNA was not found anywhere at the crime scene itself, but prosecutors turned that lack of evidence into the accusation that she tampered with it — an absurd claim since Guede’s DNA was everywhere, and it would have been impossible for Knox to clean up her own DNA but selectively leave his.
Based entirely on his imagination, prosecutor Giliano Mignini told the jury that Knox had personally stabbed Kercher to death, and that she was not just a participant in, but the ringleader of, the rape. “For Amanda, the moment had come to take revenge on that simpering girl… it was an unstoppable game of violence and sex,” he said. “Let’s try to imagine–she insulted her. Perhaps she said, you were a little saint. Now we’ll show you. Now you have no choice but to have sex.”
Due to the overwhelming evidence, Guede was quickly convicted of murder and sentenced to 30 years, but his sentence was reduced to 16 years. Prosecutors sought life in prison for the Westerners, and Knox was convicted in 2009 and sentenced to 25 years. She was acquitted on appeal in 2011, but prosecutors would not relent — not only retrying her for murder, but also charging her with slander for exposing the police’s scheme. In 2014, she was found guilty and given 28.5 years, significantly more than Guede. The Supreme Court finally found that she did not kill Kercher. The appeal of the slander charge is still ongoing.
Guede has never formally taken responsibility for the rape, though he allegedly told three fellow inmates that he and a friend showed up at Kercher’s apartment uninvited and gang-raped her before going to a nightclub and dancing.
Scientific experts testified at trial for the defense that the police’s purported DNA evidence on the knife was egregiously flawed, but prosecutors convinced a jury that while the defense’s witnesses had a motive to lie, the government had no such motive.
In the 15 years since, one motive has become clear.
The affair seems like an early exercise by the government and media to conceal the effect of mass immigration from third-world countries. As Europeans have noticed those effects, their countries have tried to hide it, even if it means imprisoning Westerners who speak out.
In 2016, an illegal African migrant in Italy, Cheik Tidiane Diaw, strangled to death an American woman named Ashley Olsen. Authorities initially falsely tried to blame a consensual “kinky sex game.”
In 2022, the situation in Italy got so bad that the nation elected conservative Giorgia Meloni as prime minister, with Meloni supporting a naval blockade to stop African migrants from flooding Italy’s shores.
In Ireland, a migrant stabbed children last month, and when the citizenry rebelled, Ireland authorities blamed the “far right” for the safety crisis. Legislators there have proposed a law that would make it illegal to possess any material that could “incite hatred,” such as memes questioning the effects of mass migration.
But Knox may stand as one of history’s earliest, and most tragic, victims of the migrant rape coverup — not dissimilar to the prosecution of the father of Loudoun County’s rape victim simply because his family’s personal tragedy posed a narrative inconvenience to the leftist agenda.
Contrary to the contemporaneous portrayal by the media and prosecutors, what happened in Italy in 2008 was never a co-ed sex scandal, and it was never a close case. It was obvious, from its earliest days, that it was a depraved rape and murder by a criminal African migrant.
The idea that it was more plausible that a 20-year-old from Seattle orchestrated the scheme was always absurd — a defamation by Italian authorities that served a purpose.
“It was just the start of the many invented stories and giant leaps the prosecution would make to ‘prove’ I was involved in the murder,” Knox wrote in her memoir.